Sunday, February 22, 2026

Orwell on ICE II: Parasites

Review by Bill Doughty––

In his typically salty way, Orwell describes his beloved England in one of his essays written 85 years ago this month as a nation whose rulers are “parasites.”


Orwell speaks to us from across “the pond” and beyond the grave with observations still timely, relevant, and enlightening in "England Your England."


He has much to say about inequality within society.


“England is the most class-ridden country under the sun. It is a land of snobbery and privilege, ruled largely by the old and silly,” he writes.


Yet, the people of England showed supreme “emotional unity” during the crisis of the Second World War, when authoritarian forces threatened freedom and England’s very existence as a democratic constitutional monarchy.


Orwell calls his country “a family with the wrong members in charge.” Young people must “kowtow” to the rich and powerful and not question the upper classes’ source of wealth.


“It is a family in which the young are generally thwarted and most of the power is in the hands of irresponsible uncles and bedridden aunts.”


Orwell recounts the evolution of Britain from an empire with a feudal power system to a modern technological society. The people in country estates and castles became “owners” with no direct contribution to the economy, the so-called “idol rich.” Some are celebrities who get power and wealth by being famous for being famous.



'American Millionaires ... Privileges ... Bribery ... Tear Gas'


Referring to the ultra rich and privileged class: “They were simply parasites,” Orwell writes, “less useful to society than his fleas are to a dog.”

“By 1920 there were many people who were aware of all this.

By 1930 millions were aware of it. But the British ruling class obviously could not admit to themselves that their usefulness was at an end. Had they done that they would have had to abdicate. For it was not possible for them to turn themselves into mere bandits, like the American millionaires, consciously clinging to unjust privileges and beating down opposition by bribery and tear-gas bombs. After all, they belonged to a class with a certain tradition, they had been to public schools where the duty of dying for your country, if necessary, is laid down as the first and greatest of the Commandments. They had to feel themselves true patriots, even while they plundered their countrymen. Clearly there was only one escape for them— into stupidity. They could keep society in its existing shape only by being unable to grasp that any improvement was possible. Difficult though this was, they achieved it, largely by fixing their eyes on the past and refusing to notice the changes that were going on round them.

There is much in England that this explains. It explains the decay of country life, due to the keeping-up of a sham feudalism which drives the more spirited workers off the land. It explains the immobility of the public schools, which have barely altered since the eighties of the last century. It explains the military incompetence which has again and again startled the world. Since the 'fifties every war in which England has engaged has started off with a series of disasters, after which the situation has been saved by people comparatively low in the social scale. The higher commanders, drawn from the aristocracy, could never prepare for modern war, because in order to do so they would have had to admit to themselves that the world was changing. They have always clung to obsolete methods and weapons, because they inevitably saw each war as a repetition of the last. Before the Boer War they prepared for the Zulu War, before 1914 for the Boer War, and before the present war for 1914. Even at this moment hundreds of thousands of men in England are being trained with the bayonet, a weapon entirely useless except for opening tins. It is worth noticing that the navy and, latterly, the Air Force, have always been more efficient than the regular army. But the navy is only partially, and the Air Force hardly at all, within the ruling-class orbit.”

That wasn’t the first or last time Orwell exempted the Royal Navy or Royal Air Force from the rampant incompetence of a caste system of leadership based on rich versus poor.


At least, he notes, the country’s rulers had not attempted to establish an authoritarian dictatorship or agitated for a civil war –– with a paramilitary force on the streets of London.

“It must be admitted that so long as things were peaceful the methods of the British ruling class served them well enough. Their own people manifestly tolerated them. However unjustly England might be organized, it was at any rate not torn by class warfare or haunted by secret police.”

Orwell saw a direct line to the Gestapo, Nazism, and spread of fascism as an outcome of the Spanish War of 1939 between Nationalists and Republicans. Although he had fought for the Spanish Republic against Franco’s fascists he later became disillusioned by the Republicans’ ties to Soviet Russia. His disillusionment would inspire his masterwork “1984” against totalitarianism.


While he lauds the fact that there were no secret police roaming London’s streets, he acknowledges, “Everyone knows that there is one law for the rich and another for the poor.”


“Everyone believes in his heart that the law can be, ought to be, and, on the whole, will be impartially administered,” Orwell writes. “The totalitarian idea that there is no such thing as law, there is only power, has never taken root.”


The same thing could be said about nearly all of the first 250 years of the United States’s history.



Fascist Diversity


In his essay “Looking Back on the Spanish War” Orwell says “When one thinks of all the people who support or have supported Fascism, one stands amazed at their diversity. What a crew!”


He mentions a varied array of powerful men including Germany’s Führer/Chancellor Adolf Hitler, Vichy France’s Philippe Pétain, Croatian fascist leader Ante Pavelic, American media tycoon William Randolph Hearst, American expatriate and Mussolini supporter Ezra Pound, Palestinian Arab nationalism and Nazi collaborator Mufti of Jerusalem, Canadian-American Christian Supremacist and America First isolationist Father Charles Coughlin, among others.


“They are all people with something to lose, or people who long for a hierarchical society and dread the prospect of a world of free and equal human beings,” Orwell writes.


[Interestingly, in another essay he decries his country’s discrimination against hiring immigrants to work in coal mines. Although he acknowledges the “wasteful, dirty and inefficient” nature of coal fires, he celebrates the idea of families of any “class” gathered around a fireplace.]


The ultra wealthy privileged caste, many of whom would be considered part of the “Epstein Class” today, tend to show disdain for immigrants, poor people, and workers. And what do working people ask for?

“All that the workingman demands is what these others would consider the indispensable minimum without which human life cannot be lived at all. Enough to eat, freedom from the haunting terror of unemployment, the knowledge that your children will get a fair chance, a bath once a day, clean linen reasonably often, a roof that doesn't leak, and short enough working hours to leave you with a little energy when the day is done. Not one of those who preach against ‘materialism’ would consider life livable without these things. And how easily that minimum could be attained if we chose to set our minds to it for only twenty years! To raise the standard of living of the whole world to that of Britain would not be a greater undertaking than this war we are now fighting … The major problem of our time is the decay of the belief in personal immortality, and it cannot be dealt with while the average human being is either drudging like an ox or shivering in fear of the secret police.”

Orwell staunchly believed in the rule of law and protection of voting rights within a culture of income inequality.


Regarding the English electoral system: “In a dozen obvious ways it is gerrymandered in the interest of the moneyed class” but “not completely corrupt,” Orwell contends. “You do not arrive at the polling booth to find men with revolvers telling you which way to vote, nor are the votes miscounted nor is there any direct bribery.”


But income inequality can lead to corruption, autocracy, voter suppression, and war –– both on foreign and domestic soil.


More about that in our next Navy Reads post.

By the way… 


Today we saw another gift from across the pond from musical artists whose roots are from the "working class" and lower-middle classes:


The islands that gave us The Beatles, Rolling Stones, and Led Zeppelin just delivered the Irish band U2’s “Days of Ash” EP with the lead song “American Obituary,” recounting ICE’s killing of Renee Good in Minneapolis with these powerful lyrics: “What you can’t kill can’t die, America will rise against the people of the lie;” “I love you more than hate loves war;” and “the power of the people is so much stronger than the people in power.” U2’s timely and exceptionally good set of songs complement to America's Bruce Springsteen’s recent tribute to Renee Good and Alex Pretti, “The Streets of Minneapolis.”

Thursday, February 19, 2026

Orwell on ICE: ’Facing Unpleasant Facts’

Review by Bill Doughty

“There is no such thing as a naval dictatorship.”


Those are the words of George Orwell in his essay “England Your England,” written February 19, 1941, shortly after the United States entered the Second World War along with its Allies against Fascism and totalitarianism.


No naval power, he contended, could survive as an authoritarian dictatorship.


Orwell’s words are within the context of England as the world’s imperial superpower of its time, as well as his observations about his countrymen. Orwell addresses the English people’s ambivalence toward waging war, with many actively against serving in the military.


“After all, the English have absorbed a quarter of the earth and held on to it by means of a huge navy,” he writes. “How dare they then turn round and say that war is wicked?”

“It is quite true that the English are hypocritical about their Empire. In the working class this hypocrisy takes the form of not knowing that the Empire exists. But their dislike of standing armies is a perfectly sound instinct. A navy employs comparatively few people, and it is an external weapon which cannot affect home politics directly. Military dictatorships exist everywhere, but there is no such thing as a naval dictatorship. What English people of nearly all classes loathe from the bottom of their hearts is the swaggering officer type, the jingle of spurs and the crash of boots.”

One can imagine what Orwell would say about masked paramilitary agents acting as a “standing army” asking for citizens for identification, separating families, terrorizing children, beating people in the streets, and worse. 


He was clear about his disdain for thuggish bullying behavior in the name of law and order, especially ostentatious shows of force, including goose-stepping parades.

“Decades before Hitler was ever heard of, the word 'Prussian' had much the same significance in England as 'Nazi' has today. So deep does this feeling go that for a hundred years past the officers of the British army, in peace-time, have always worn civilian clothes when off duty.

One rapid but fairly sure guide to the social atmosphere of a country is the parade-step of its army. A military parade is really a kind of ritual dance, something like a ballet, expressing a certain philosophy of life. The goose-step, for instance, is one of the most horrible sights in the world, far more terrifying than a dive-bomber. It is simply an affirmation of naked power; contained in it, quite consciously and intentionally, is the vision of a boot crashing down on a face. Its ugliness is part of its essence, for what it is saying is 'Yes, I am ugly, and you daren't laugh at me,' like the bully who makes faces at his victim. Why is the goose-step not used in England? There are, heaven knows, plenty of army officers Who would be only too glad to introduce some such thing. It is not used because the people in the street would laugh. Beyond a certain point, military display is only possible in countries where the common people dare not laugh at the army.”

Dictators and would-be dictators hate to be laughed at.


Common traits of autocrats include attacking critics, rewriting history, subverting the judiciary, worshipping themselves, interfering in elections, and accumulating wealth through corruption.


Dictators also embrace the power of patriotism and promote nationalist “patriots” with misplaced loyalty to the Leader. Witness the attempted coup of January 6, 2021 at the United States Capitol and pardoned participants, including violent extremists who brutalized law enforcement personnel.




Absolution from Evil

Orwell’s “England Your England” essay opens with a powerful image as German bombers attacked Great Britain:

“As I write, highly civilized human beings are flying overhead, trying to kill me.

They do not feel any enmity against me as [an] individual, nor I against them. They are ‘only doing their duty’ as the saying goes. Most of them, I have no doubt, are kind-hearted law-abiding men who would never dream of committing murder in private life. On the other hand, if one of them succeeds in blowing me to pieces with a well-placed bomb, he will never sleep any the worse for it. He is serving his country, which has the power to absolve him from evil.

One cannot see the modern world as it is unless one recognizes the overwhelming strength of patriotism, national loyalty. In certain circumstances it can break down, at certain levels of civilization it does not exist, but as a positive force there is nothing to set beside it. Christianity and international Socialism are as weak as straw in comparison with it. Hitler and Mussolini rose to power in their own countries very largely because they could grasp this fact and their opponents could not.”

Orwell would say the right kind of patriotism relies on truth, justice, accountability, and respect for the law and the people of a nation.


He questioned authority but wore a variety of uniforms to defend freedom and liberty. As a military officer, he demonstrated his commitment to serve with humility, kindness, and compassion –– characteristics of the best members of the military or in law enforcement.


Orwell’s gift for self-reflection is clear in two other essays, “A Hanging” and “Shooting an Elephant.” In A Hanging, Orwell witnesses in stunning detail the hanging of a prisoner and considers the reality of purposefully ending another human’s life. In Shooting an Elephant, he reflects on his time as a police officer serving in then-Burma, where the local population, even the Buddhist priests, openly rejected his presence.


“In Moulmein, in Lower Burma, I was hated by large numbers of people –– the only time in my life that I have been important enough for this to happen to me,” he writes. He was openly jeered, mocked, and disrespected, much like ICE and Border Patrol agents are treated today in American cities.



Baited and Hated


“As a police officer I was an obvious target and was baited whenever it seemed safe to do so,” Orwell writes.

“All this was perplexing and upsetting. For at that time I had already made up my mind that imperialism was an evil thing and the sooner I chucked up my job and got out of it the better. Theoretically –– and secretly, of course  –– I was all for the Burmese and all against their oppressors, the British. As for the job I was doing, I hated it more bitterly than I can perhaps make clear. In a job like that you see the dirty work of Empire at close quarters.

The wretched prisoners huddling in the stinking cages of the lock-ups, the grey, cowed faces of the long-term convicts, the scarred buttocks of the men who had been flogged with bamboos—all these oppressed me with an intolerable sense of guilt. But I could get nothing into perspective. I was young and ill-educated and I had had to think out my problems in the utter silence that is imposed on every Englishman in the East. I did not even know that the British Empire is dying, still less did I know that it is a great deal better than the younger empires that are going to supplant it.

All I knew was that I was stuck between my hatred of the empire I served and my rage against the evil-spirited little beasts who tried to make my job impossible.”

Orwell opposed the monarchy but later came to respect figurehead leaders as a control –– denying power from runaway politicians who would subvert the people’s will in a democracy. He would most certainly applaud calls for accountability and justice as relates to the "Epstein Class."


What would he say about the arrest today of Britain’s former Prince Andrew? 


Andrew, who is accused of passing confidential information to convicted pedophile Jeffrey Epstein,  is a Royal Navy veteran who served in the Falklands. (He is brother to King Charles III and the youngest son of a Royal Navy hero, Prince Phillip, who fought in World War II and was present for Japan’s surrender in Tokyo Bay aboard USS Missouri (BB-63).)


Although Orwell did not serve in the Royal Navy, he saw firsthand the differences between the army and the sea services. Hence, his comment that there are no naval powers with dictatorships –– true at least during the middle of the last century.

Orwell lived in a time of great disparity between the haves and have-nots, with poor people drawn into the lower ranks of military service. His warnings about over-militarized autocracy as well as the effects of income inequality resonate with us today, nearly a century later. [More about that in the next review.]


The essays cited here are found in “George Orwell: Facing Unpleasant Facts –– Narrative Essays,” compiled with an introduction by George Packer (Harcourt Books, 2008).

Sunday, February 1, 2026

Voices

Review by Bill Doughty

Art is often created in pain.


During and after the U.S. military’s incarceration of people of Japanese ancestry in World War II, many of the prisoners created literature. Editors Frank Abe and Floyd Cheung collected some of the creations in “The Literature of Japanese American Incarceration” (Penguin Books, 2024).


Historians Abe and Cheung write:

“The literature in this volume presents the collective voice of a people defined by a specific moment in time: the four years of World War II during which the United States government expelled resident aliens and its own citizens from their homes, farms, and businesses, and incarcerated more than 125,000 of them in American concentration camps, based solely upon the race they shared with a wartime enemy…

By its own latter-day admission, the government had no military need for the mass exclusion –– acknowledging that it was driven by a mixture of race prejudice, war hysteria, and a failure of political leadership –– rendering the three-year incarceration that followed just as unnecessary as it was wrong.”

This valuable book brings together “many voices telling a shared story,” according to Abe and Cheung, a “struggle to retain personal integrity in the face of increasing dehumanization.”


“It’s the story of the struggle to retain personal integrity in the face of increasing dehumanization,” they write. The literature includes fiction and nonfiction; stories, narratives, and observations; a few drawings and comic strips; and various forms of poetry, some of which we include in this Navy Reads post.


Some of the poems are written in the Japanese style of haiku or tanka; some poems rhyme while others are freestyle. Some were written after detention and imprisonment; others were written in the post-traumatic months and years after the camps.



Voices from the Camps


From Portland Senryū Poets


“Resolution and Readiness, Confusion and Doubt”

Translated by Shelley Baker-Gard, Michael Freiling, and Satsuki Takikawa


By Jōnan:


for these current times

all 100,000 of us

made ready


By Mokugyo:


whatever is next ––

father has already written

his final wishes


By Jōnan:


our mother too

awaits the baby's first cry

all on edge


By Goichi:


decided now

my new destination ––

our breakup is near


By Jōnan:


at the train station

my self-control departs

and tears arrive


By Roshyou:


stay forever or return home

the decision never made ––

just too much to bear


By Sen Taro:


they never asked

suspicious or not— 

just put us away


From Fort Sill Incarceration Camp


By Otokichi (Muin) Ozaki

Translated by Jiro Nakano and Kay Nakano:


I bid farewell

To the faces of my sleeping children

As I am taken prisoner

Into the cold night rain.


Sailing on the same ship—

The son, A U.S. soldier;

His father,

A prisoner of war.


A wretching anguish rises

As the number "III"

Is painted

On my naked chest

In red.

From Sand Island and Santa Fe Incarceration Camps


By Yasutaro (Keiho) Soga

Translated by Jiro Nakano and Kay Nakano:


Like a dog

I am commanded At a bayonet point.

My heart is inflamed

With burning anguish.


A fellow prisoner

Takes his life with poison.

In the evening darkness, Streaks of black blood

Stain the camp road.


The barren wasteland

Raged by sand storm,

I weep for my friend 

Who sleeps there alone,

Eternally.



Voices After the Camps


“Topaz, Utah”

By Toyo Suyemoto:


The desert must have claimed its own

Now that the wayfarers are gone,

And silence has replaced voices

Except for intermittent noises,

Like windy footsteps through the dust,

Or gliding of a snake that must

Escape the sun, or sage rustling.

Or soft brush of a quickened wing

Against the air. — Stillness is change

For this abandoned place, where strange

And foreign tongues had routed peace

Until the refugees release

Restored calm to the wilderness,

And prairie dogs no longer fear

When shadows shift and disappear.

The crows fly straight through settling dusk,

The desert like an empty husk,

Holding the small swift sounds that run

To cover when the day is done.



“Returning Home”

By Shizue Iwatsuki

Translated by Stephen W. Kohl:


I. Going home,

Gripping my daughter's hand,

Feeling cheated,

I tell her we're leaving

Without emotion.


2. Through the car window

A glimpse of pines.

Oregon mountains.

My heart beats faster,

Returning home.


3. Four years have passed,
Returning home
Though I have no flowers to offer, 

First I visit my child's grave.


4. Evening twilight,
Mother cow chews her cud.
Beneath her
The calf dozes.


5. Home at last
At the dinner table

My husband calls my name, But lapses into silence.

His heart, too, is full.


6. He was kind to us before,

But now—the shopkeeper

Nervously refuses to serve us.


7. Hard at work
Rebuilding our life, 

To help my husband

Today I go

To buy farm tools.


8. Glancing up,
At red-tinged mountains
My heart is softened.
A day in deep autumn.


9. Pointing out the trail to the summit
He says it's steep,

But we agree to try.


10. War and change,

My native land

Once so hard to leave, 

Is behind me now forever.


11. With determination

I sign the naturalization papers.

In my hand

The pen trembles slightly.


12. A naturalized citizen now

I have the right to vote.

So today I climb

The steps of this building.


The art in this volume of literature is painted in various voices, many painful, some plaintive, all powerful. Each voice is relevant to what is happening in the United States in 2026.


Abe and Cheung write, “Many of the voices in this volume are those of protest against incarceration. Some are those of accommodation. All are authentic. Together they form an epic narrative with a singular vision of America's past, one with disturbing resonances with the American present.”